By A. James Gregor
Publish yr note: First released November 29, 2004
Fascism has usually been characterised as irrational and anti-intellectual, discovering expression completely as a cluster of myths, feelings, instincts, and hatreds. This highbrow historical past of Italian Fascism--the made from 4 a long time of labor by way of one of many major specialists at the topic within the English-speaking world--provides another account. A. James Gregor argues that Italian Fascism could have been a incorrect procedure of trust, however it used to be neither extra nor much less irrational than different innovative ideologies of the 20th century. Gregor makes this situation via proposing for the 1st time a chronological account of the key highbrow figures of Italian Fascism, tracing how the movement's rules advanced in keeping with social and political advancements inside and out of Italy.
Gregor follows Fascist inspiration from its beginnings in socialist ideology concerning the time of the 1st global War--when Mussolini himself was once a pace-setter of innovative socialism--through its evolution right into a separate physique of notion and to its destruction within the moment international struggle. alongside the way in which, Gregor deals prolonged bills of a few of Italian Fascism's significant thinkers, together with Sergio Panunzio and Ugo Spirito, Alfredo Rocco (Mussolini's Minister of Justice), and Julius Evola, a extraordinary and sinister determine who has encouraged a lot modern "neofascism."
Gregor's account unearths the failings and tensions that dogged Fascist inspiration from the start, yet indicates that if we wish to come to grips with probably the most vital political activities of the 20 th century, we however have to keep in mind that Fascism had critical highbrow in addition to visceral roots.
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Additional info for Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought
214–15, 218–19, 220. 32 CHAPTER TWO radini concluded, they could only become advocates and practitioners of a national syndicalism—a revolutionary syndicalism that nationalists could wholeheartedly support. ” The revolutionary syndicalists, like the nationalists, sought just such an elite in their own search for proletarian justice. Corradini maintained that the syndicalists fully understood the character of intact and vital communities. They understood that only the bonding of similars, united in a mission against opponents, might assure success in external conﬂict.
Like the nationalists, syndicalists sought an aristocracy of commitment—an intransigent elite—incapable of “adapting” to the compromises required by the parliamentary politics of electoral democracy or class relations in bourgeois circumstances. Because of their recognition of the decisive role of will and leadership, Olivetti continued, syndicalists, like nationalists, spoke with the language of Friedrich Nietzsche and Arthur Schopenhauer. They opposed themselves to the vain and unmanly positivism of the turn of the century that 63 The subsequent discussion is taken from A.
Syndicalists sought revolution by Italy’s workers 50 51 See the discussion in Corradini, Il volere d’Italia (Naples: Perrella, 1911), pp. 161–65. Corradini, “Le nazioni proletarie e il nazionalismo,” in DP, pp. 113–18. H I S T O R I C B AC K G R O U N D 33 in the service of world proletarian revolution. ”52 Corradini argued that “proletarianism” had some singular merits in the Italian environment. He reminded the domestic leaders of the proletariat that for a quarter of a century Italian workers had been forced to leave their homeland to work in lands more prosperous—“capitalist” lands.
Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought by A. James Gregor