By Nicholas Deakin, Richard Parry (auth.)
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Extra info for The Treasury and Social Policy: The Contest for Control of Welfare Strategy
It gives the Treasury division the opportunity to negotiate direct with the people who know precisely what their objective is and how far short of it they are prepared to fall. If the contact is with the Accountant General [Finance] Division only, the Accountant General Division is itself advocating the particular piece of expenditure and it may be far less ﬂexible in negotiation than the administrative, because it fears that to accept anything less from the Treasury than what it asked for is to imply that they ought not to have put the case to the Treasury.
58, in T/227/1111). ). The senior ofﬁcial to whom this laundry list was submitted, Sir Bruce Fraser, commented that: When one starts to think in a general way about the Health Service, one soon begins to think also about the structure of social services as a whole. I believe that sooner or later some Government will have to do this, because in some ways the structure really is rather a muddle, and the cost to the Exchequer imposes a growing inhibition on the Chancellor’s freedom of manoeuvre.
The growth of parliamentary audit in the 1860s (through the Public Accounts Committee and Comptroller and Auditor-General) provided the Treasury with convenient allies as the spending department has to defend decisions and practices whether or not the Treasury had a hand in them. : 104). The key relationship at the political level, as we have already indicated, is that between the Prime Minister and the Chancellor. But the ever-increasing attention devoted to this relationship has obscured a longer-running theme: the Treasury’s concern that in social policy the Prime Minister would ultimately side with the big 20 The Treasury and Social Policy spenders.
The Treasury and Social Policy: The Contest for Control of Welfare Strategy by Nicholas Deakin, Richard Parry (auth.)